Two studies of students in the U.K. revealed that individuals with pronounced grandiose narcissism traits tended to show blunted neural activity in response to errors. It is possible that this is the mechanism through which narcissists resist correcting themselves, bolstering their positive self-views. The paper was published in the Journal of Personality.

Narcissism is a personality trait characterized by grandiosity, a strong need for admiration, and a tendency toward self-centeredness. Two major forms of narcissism are grandiose and vulnerable narcissism. Grandiose narcissism is marked by confidence, extraversion, and exhibitionism, whereas vulnerable narcissism involves defensiveness, insecurity, and hypersensitivity to criticism.

Individuals high in narcissism tend to be very interested in seeking status and recognition. They often appear charismatic and competent to others. However, they tend to struggle with empathy and prioritize personal gain over collective welfare. Because of this internal contrast, narcissism is linked to both short-term social success and long-term relational instability.

In leadership contexts, narcissistic individuals may make bold, visionary decisions but also take excessive risks. Theoretical models suggest that narcissists either mask underlying insecurity or maintain a robust self-view through cognitive distortions and avoidance of negative feedback.

Lead author Esther M. Robins and her colleagues wanted to examine the association between narcissism—particularly grandiose agentic narcissism—and error-related negativity (ERN). ERN is a neural marker of error-processing detectable using electroencephalography (EEG). It is a rapid negative deflection in the EEG signal that occurs approximately 50 milliseconds after an individual makes an error. It reflects early neuronal processes of error detection generated in the anterior cingulate cortex region of the brain. To investigate this, the researchers conducted two studies.

The first study included a final analyzed sample of 144 undergraduate students from the University of Southampton (approximately 81% of whom were women). The students completed the Eriksen Flanker Task while an EEG device recorded their brain activity. Afterward, they completed an assessment of narcissism (the Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry Questionnaire). The Eriksen Flanker Task is a cognitive task in which participants respond to a target stimulus while ignoring surrounding distractor stimuli (flankers). It is commonly used to measure selective attention, response conflict, and cognitive control.

The second study replicated the procedure of the first, with the addition that students received feedback after each trial telling them whether their response was correct or incorrect. This allowed the study authors to test whether the blunted neural response to errors found in the previous study extends to situations in which performance failures are clearly signaled by external sources.

In this setup, there were two conditions: students were told that their feedback was either being signaled by two researchers in another room or that it was computer-generated. While 120 undergraduate students from the University of Southampton were initially recruited, the final analyzed sample consisted of 50 participants (80% female), as a number of participants had to be excluded for not making enough errors to record a reliable EEG signal.

Results of the first study showed that error-related negativity responses were clearly detectable and markedly stronger when participants were incorrect than when their answer was correct. They were strongest over the Fz electrode location (i.e., over the frontal midline of the scalp). Individuals with more pronounced grandiose narcissism tended to show a weaker (less negative) error-related negativity response. This indicated that these individuals’ early neural response to errors was blunted.

Results of the second study conceptually replicated the findings of the first. Even with explicit external feedback, individuals with more pronounced narcissism tended to show less negative (weaker) error-related negativity responses. This association was evident for both the admiration and rivalry facets of grandiose narcissism, though the effect was stronger for the admiration facet.

“Higher admiration and rivalry narcissism were associated with a blunted (less negative) error-related negativity. The results are consistent with the metacognitive model of narcissism, showing that grandiose narcissists exhibit reduced neural sensitivity to errors. These findings highlight a potential mechanism through which narcissists resist self-corrective learning, bolstering their positive self-views. Blunted error processing may influence decision-making and behavior across contexts,” the study authors concluded.

The study contributes to the scientific understanding of the neural underpinnings of narcissism. However, it should be noted that the study was conducted solely on predominantly white, British university students. Results in other demographic, cultural, and age groups may differ.

The paper, “Narcissism Is Associated With Blunted Error-Related Brain Activity,” was authored by Esther M. Robins, Zhiwei Zhou, Chengli Huang, Douglas J. Angus, Constantine Sedikides, and Nicholas J. Kelley.

A study in China found that young people who adopted the “Lying Flat” lifestyle—a passive attitude characterized by giving up efforts and goals in order to relieve competitive pressure—tend to report lower satisfaction with their lives. Interestingly, this passive attitude predicted lower life satisfaction later, but life satisfaction did not predict future adoption of this lifestyle, indicating that it is the “lying flat” attitude that leads to diminished life satisfaction. The paper was published in Behavioral Sciences.

The “Lying Flat” phenomenon, known in Chinese as tang ping, is a social trend that emerged in China as a quiet form of resistance to intense work and social pressures. It refers to the decision of some young people to withdraw from competitive career striving and material ambition. Instead of pursuing promotions, property ownership, or marriage at all costs, individuals adopting this stance aim to meet only minimal living needs. It describes a personal rejection of societal pressures to overwork and over-achieve. Literally, tang ping refers to a person lying flat on their back, with the whole body relaxed, making no movement, and responding to nothing.

The movement arose partly in response to long working hours, high housing prices, economic inequality, and limited upward mobility. It is closely connected to criticism of the so-called “996” work culture (working 9 a.m. to 9 p.m., six days a week). People supporting tang ping describe feelings of burnout, disillusionment, and a lack of meaningful reward for extreme effort. Unlike overt protest movements, lying flat is largely a passive and individual adaptation rather than a collective and organized one.

Chinese authorities and state media have criticized it as defeatist and socially irresponsible. Some online discussions about the phenomenon were censored, reflecting political sensitivity around youth disengagement. More broadly, the concept has become a symbol of generational fatigue in high-pressure economies. It is conceptually similar to the phenomenon of “quiet quitting” or the rise of NEETs (Not in Employment, Education, or Training) that became popular in Western societies at roughly a similar time.

Lead author Huanhua Lu and colleagues wanted to examine the relationship between the adoption of the “lying flat” (tang ping) lifestyle and life satisfaction. Their hypothesis was that the adoption of this lifestyle would be associated with lower life satisfaction, and that this lifestyle would actively diminish satisfaction with life over time. They conducted two studies.

Participants in the first study were 960 undergraduates from Beijing. Their average age was approximately 20 years, and roughly 55% of them were men. Of the total, 470 were recruited from a national “double first-class” key university (an institution with better financial and academic resources), while 490 were from an ordinary college. Study participants completed assessments of their endorsement of the “lying flat” lifestyle (using the Lying Flat Tendency Scale) and their life satisfaction (using the life satisfaction dimension of the Index of Well-being).

The second study involved a final sample of 109 participants from a university who completed a longitudinal follow-up study (originally 120 were recruited, but 11 dropped out). Their average age was 19 years, and 44 of them were women. They completed the same two assessments twice, one month apart.

Results of the first study showed that the endorsement of the “lying flat” lifestyle was associated with significantly lower life satisfaction, even after controlling for gender, age, university attended, and subjective socioeconomic status. Women tended to endorse the “lying flat” lifestyle more than men. Furthermore, this lifestyle tended to be endorsed more by students from the ordinary college than by those from the “double first-class” university.

Results of the second study showed that endorsement of the “lying flat” lifestyle at the first time point negatively predicted life satisfaction one month later. However, life satisfaction at the start of the study did not predict the endorsement of the “lying flat” lifestyle one month later. This indicates that it is likely the “lying flat” lifestyle that leads to diminished life satisfaction and not vice versa.

“The present study first revealed a temporal directionality between the ‘lying flat’ and life satisfaction. This suggests that ‘lying flat’, which serves as a temporary relief mechanism in the face of overwhelming pressure, may come at the cost of long-term psychological functioning,” the study authors concluded.

The study sheds light on the broader psychological implications of adopting the “lying flat” lifestyle. However, it should be noted that the study was conducted on young people from Beijing universities. Studies on other demographic groups, other areas, and people from different cultures might not produce identical results.

The paper, “Does “Lying Flat” Lead to Greater Life Satisfaction? Evidence from Empirical Research,” was authored by Huanhua Lu, Jinli Wang, and Feng Kong.

A study comparing individuals with persistent depressive disorder to those with episodic major depressive disorder found that those with persistent depression had lower treatment expectations. These individuals also changed their expectations about treatment outcomes less in response to positive reports by other patients. The research was published in Psychological Medicine.

Depression, or major depressive disorder, is a mood disorder characterized by persistent sadness or loss of interest lasting at least two weeks and causing significant impairment in daily functioning. It involves cognitive, emotional, and physical symptoms such as hopelessness, fatigue, sleep disturbances, appetite changes, and difficulty concentrating. Treatment typically involves psychotherapy, pharmacotherapy such as antidepressants, or a combination of both.

However, for many individuals who develop depression, treatment does not result in a remission of symptoms. Furthermore, a substantial share of individuals whose depressive symptoms do go into remission after treatment soon experience a new depressive episode. Overall, in around 20-30% of people who suffer from major depressive disorder, depressive symptoms become chronic, meaning that they persist for at least 2 years. Their condition may then be classified as “persistent depressive disorder” (PDD), as opposed to episodic depression characterized by a depressive episode followed by a remission of symptoms.

Study author Tobias Kube and his colleagues wanted to test two hypotheses. The first was that people with persistent depression adjust their expectations of psychotherapeutic treatment less than people with episodic depression in response to positive information. The second hypothesis was that people with persistent depression alter expectations of future life events less than people with episodic depression.

This study was part of a larger project that examined the role of cognitive immunization in expectation change in depression. Cognitive immunization is a psychological process in which individuals reinterpret or dismiss disconfirming evidence in order to preserve an existing belief or self-schema, thereby preventing belief change despite contradictory information.

Study participants were 156 individuals with major depressive disorder or persistent depressive disorder, recruited from a German university outpatient clinic and several private psychotherapy practices. They received 15 EUR for their participation. Of these individuals, 65.4% met the criteria for episodic major depression, while the remaining 34.6% met the criteria for persistent depressive disorder. Participants’ average age was approximately 35 years, and 67% of them were women.

At the beginning of the study procedure, participants reported their expectations of psychotherapeutic treatments (using the Milwaukee Psychotherapy Expectation Questionnaire) as well as their expectations of future life events (the Future Event Questionnaire). Next, they watched videos of four patients (played by amateur actors). These characters first reported on their symptoms, but then reported on how psychotherapy helped them overcome their problems.

Participants were randomly assigned to one of four experimental conditions that differed in the instructions they received for watching the videos. One group was told to focus on the similarities between themselves and the person in the video. Study authors hypothesized that this would make it difficult for these participants to disregard positive information about psychotherapy voiced by persons in the videos.

Another group was told to focus on the differences between themselves and the people in the video, hopefully making it easier for patients to engage in cognitive immunization and disregard the experiences of the person in the video. The third group was told to focus on the physical appearance of the people in the videos (a control condition). Finally, the fourth group did not receive any instructions before watching the videos.

After watching the videos, participants completed assessments of expectations of psychotherapeutic treatments and future life events again. They also completed an assessment of cognitive immunization (the Cognitive Immunization Against Other People’s Experiences scale), a 7-item assessment examining whether they interpreted the videos negatively, and a brief assessment of recall of video contents. Participants’ depressive symptoms were assessed using the Beck’s Depression Inventory – II.

Results showed that participants with persistent depression had, at the start, less positive expectations about the outcome of psychotherapy than people with episodic depression. After watching the videos, participants with persistent depression adjusted their expectations of psychotherapy much less than people with episodic depression. This difference was particularly pronounced in the group that was given instructions meant to promote cognitive immunization (focusing on differences).

However, contrary to the second hypothesis, the two groups did not differ in how they changed their expectations regarding future life events. Additionally, participants with episodic and persistent depression did not differ in their average level of cognitive immunization scores.

“The results indicate that people with persistent depression have difficulty adjusting their treatment expectations in response to positive information on psychotherapy. This may be a risk factor for poor treatment outcome. The results regarding cognitive immunization suggest that for people with persistent depression, slight doubts about the value of information on the positive effects of psychotherapy may be sufficient to prevent them from integrating this information,” study authors concluded.

The study contributes to the scientific understanding of cognitive functioning specificities of individuals with depression. However, the study did not include a healthy control group. Therefore, it remains unknown whether and how much the observed effects are specific for depression and dissimilar to what would be observable in healthy individuals as well.

The paper, “Differences between persistent and episodic depression in processing novel positive information,” was authored by Tobias Kube, Edith Rapo, Mimi Houben, Thomas Gärtner, Eva-Lotta Brakemeier, Julia Anna Glombiewski, and Winfried Rief.

A study in the Netherlands identified groups of people differing in the trajectories of their expectations that they will become parents across their reproductive age. Forty-four percent of men and 40% of women tended to have stable expectations that they will have children in the future, lasting until their mid-to-late 30s. Individuals with stable parenthood expectations tended to score higher on agreeableness and extraversion. The paper was published in the Journal of Personality.

During the past half-century, fertility rates have been decreasing worldwide. People, on average, have fewer children, and increasing numbers experience childlessness. Major factors contributing to this include longer time spent in education and the resulting postponement of marriage, new fertility regulation technologies that made having children a choice, and wider acceptance of individual rights to make life choices.

Consequently, fertility rates across the developed world have been below replacement level for the past several decades, producing a population decline in many countries. This has drawn significant research interest toward fertility intentions—people’s plans and expectations about having children.

Research shows that, in young adulthood, most individuals plan to have children, and often more than one. However, as time passes, many fail to enact these expectations, staying childless well into middle age or having fewer children than initially planned.

Study author İlayda Özoruç and her colleagues wanted to explore how fertility expectations develop and change in men and women living in the Netherlands across the reproductive age period. They also wanted to explore how the trajectories of change in these expectations are associated with individual personality traits.

The authors note that voluntary childlessness (i.e., being childfree) has become increasingly socially acceptable in the Netherlands. Consequently, they expected greater variation between individuals in how they imagine their future regarding having children.

The researchers analyzed data from the Longitudinal Internet Studies for the Social Sciences (LISS) panel. The LISS is an ongoing panel study that started in 2007. It includes 5,000 households in the Netherlands comprising nearly 7,500 individuals.

The data used in this study came from 5,231 participants who were non-parents at the start of the study and participated between 2008 and 2022. The average participant provided responses in 3 to 4 data collection waves during the studied period. Sixty-eight percent participated in more than one data collection wave. Fifty-two percent of participants were women. During this period, roughly 15% of participants became parents for the first time.

The authors used data on participants’ fertility expectations (“Do you think you will have children in the future?”), Big Five personality traits (obtained using the International Personality Item Pool), and parenthood status (tracking the transition to the first child).

The researchers categorized participants based on how their parenthood expectations developed during the study period. The largest category for both men and women was the normative category (44% of men and 40% of women). In this category, people started with expectations that they would have children in the future. As time passed, the majority became parents (84% of men and 92% of women in this group). For those who did not become parents, expectations of having children started dropping sharply in their mid-30s, so that by age 42, almost none expected to have children in the future.

The smallest category, including 8% of men and 7% of women, was the childfree category. People in this group mostly started out not expecting children or being unsure, and became increasingly certain they would not have children as time passed. Only a small percentage of people from this category eventually became parents (6% of men and 12% of women).

The remaining categories showed more complex trajectories, such as general uncertainty about future children (“uncertain trajectory”), switching expectations between yes, no, and unsure (“switching trajectory”), or starting uncertain but gaining expectation later (“postponement trajectory”). Women also showed a unique “abandoning trajectory” (15%), where expectations to have children existed at age 18 but dropped to “unsure” or “no” starting around age 25.

When personality traits were considered, results showed that both men and women from the normative group (stable expectation to become parents) scored higher on agreeableness and extraversion compared to the uncertain and childfree groups.

For men specifically, those in the normative group also tended to have lower neuroticism and higher conscientiousness and openness compared to the uncertain and childfree groups.

However, for women, personality differences were fewer. Unlike men, women’s levels of neuroticism, openness, and conscientiousness did not differ significantly between the expectation trajectories.

The study contributes to the scientific understanding of the development of fertility expectations throughout the reproductive age. However, it should be noted that all participants were from the Netherlands. Results regarding individuals from other countries and cultures might differ.

The paper, “Big Five Personality Traits and Trajectories of Fertility Expectations Across the Reproductive Age Period,” was authored by İlayda Özoruç, Jeroen Vermunt, Katya Ivanova, and Manon van Scheppingen.