A study in Germany found that individuals with higher polygenic risk scores for anhedonia showed specific patterns of brain activity when processing anticipated monetary rewards. More specifically, they showed decreased activation in the bilateral putamen and left middle frontal gyrus during anticipation of rewards and decreased activation in the right caudate while receiving feedback. The research was published in the Journal of Affective Disorders.

Anhedonia is the reduced ability to experience pleasure or interest in activities that are normally rewarding. It is a core symptom of major depressive disorder but also appears in other conditions such as schizophrenia, substance use disorders, and bipolar disorder.

Anhedonia can involve diminished pleasure during activities (consummatory anhedonia) or reduced motivation and anticipation for rewards (anticipatory anhedonia). People with anhedonia may withdraw from social interactions, hobbies, or goals they once enjoyed. Neurobiologically, it is linked to dysfunction in brain reward systems, particularly pathways involving dopamine.

Psychological factors such as chronic stress, trauma, and negative cognitive patterns can contribute to its development. Anhedonia is associated with poorer quality of life and worse clinical outcomes when it persists. It can make treatment more challenging because reduced motivation may limit engagement in therapy or daily activities.

Study author Nicholas Schäfer and his colleagues investigated the role of a polygenic risk score for anhedonia in functional brain activity during the monetary incentive delay (MID) task. The MID task is a paradigm that requires participants to respond quickly to cues signaling potential monetary gains or losses. A polygenic risk score is an estimate of an individual’s genetic predisposition to a trait or disorder created by aggregating the effects of many genetic variants across the genome.

Study participants were individuals participating in the MooDs and IntegraMent studies. These were multisite neuroimaging studies recruiting a total of 974 individuals; this specific study analyzed data from 517 of them. The sample included 57 patients with major depressive disorder, 39 with schizophrenia, and 48 with bipolar disorder. The remaining 373 participants were healthy controls (a group that included 243 healthy individuals and 130 healthy first-degree relatives of patients).

Study authors calculated participants’ polygenic risk scores for anhedonia using their genotype data. They also assessed participants’ anhedonia scores using a questionnaire (derived from the SCL-90). Participants completed the monetary incentive delay task while undergoing functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) of their brains. In this task, participants were presented with arrows that indicated either a potential monetary reward, a potential loss, no reward, or a cue for verbal trials. This was the anticipation phase.

Participants then had to react to a visual target by pressing a button (except in the neutral trials where no action was required). After this, they received feedback about whether they lost or won 2 EUR, or received neutral or verbal feedback (e.g., “You reacted slow”). This was the feedback phase of the task.

Results showed that individuals with higher polygenic risk scores for anhedonia tended to show decreased activation in the putamen region of the brain in both brain hemispheres and in the left middle frontal gyrus during the anticipation phase of the task. They also showed lower activation in the right caudate region during the feedback phase (specifically during reward feedback).

Participants with higher polygenic risk scores for anhedonia also tended to show lower activity in the left middle frontal gyrus while anticipating financial loss and during salience processing (deciding how important the events at hand are).

However, while participants were receiving feedback about losing 2 EUR, individuals with higher polygenic risk scores for anhedonia tended to show heightened activity in the bilateral putamen and right caudate regions.

The right caudate nucleus of the brain is involved in goal-directed behavior, reward-based learning, and the integration of motivation with action selection, while the left middle frontal gyrus supports executive functions such as working memory, planning, and top-down cognitive control. The putamen primarily contributes to motor control and habit formation, and it also plays a role in reinforcing learned actions through reward processing.

“Our results highlight the importance of the striatum and prefrontal cortex in the context of a genetic risk for anhedonia,” the study authors concluded.

The study contributes to the scientific understanding of the neural basis of anhedonia. However, it should be noted that studies of neural correlates of psychological characteristics often yield inconsistent results. There are often pronounced individual differences in brain activities associated with specific psychological characteristics. Further studies are needed to verify and corroborate the reported findings.

The paper, “Associations between polygenic risk for anhedonia and functional brain activity during reward processing,” was authored by Nicholas Schäfer, Swapnil Awasthi, Stephan Ripke, Anna Daniels, Andreas Meyer-Lindenberg, Heike Tost, Andreas Heinz, Henrik Walter, and Susanne Erk.

An analysis of data from the Midlife in the United States (MIDUS) study found that religiosity may protect against depression and stress by fostering feelings of gratitude and social support. The research was published in the Journal of Affective Disorders.

Religiosity refers to the extent to which individuals hold religious beliefs, engage in religious practices, and integrate religion into their daily lives. It encompasses beliefs, behaviors (such as prayer or worship attendance), personal commitment, and identification with a religious community.

A substantial body of research shows that religiosity is positively associated with psychological outcomes, such as higher life satisfaction and greater subjective well-being. Longitudinal and cross-cultural evidence indicates that these associations are modest but robust across different populations and cultural contexts.

In psychology and public health, religiosity tends to be viewed as a potential protective factor for mental health. One key reason for this is that religious involvement can help individuals cope with stressful life events and derive meaning from adversity. According to some models of stress and coping, religiosity may influence well-being by shaping how stressors are appraised and managed. Rather than exerting a direct effect, religiosity appears to provide psychological and social coping resources.

Study authors Ethan D. Lantz and Danielle K. Nadorff sought to explore the mechanisms through which religiosity affects psychological well-being. They hypothesized that higher levels of religiosity would be associated with higher levels of gratitude and social support. In turn, individuals experiencing stronger feelings of gratitude and better social support would tend to report better psychological well-being—defined as lower depressive symptoms and perceived stress, and higher life satisfaction.

The authors analyzed data from the Midlife in the United States (MIDUS) study. MIDUS is a large, long-running national research program that examines how psychological, social, behavioral, and biological factors influence health and well-being as people age.

Specifically, the researchers used data from 1,052 participants in the MIDUS 2 dataset, collected between 2004 and 2006, and 625 participants from the MIDUS Refresher dataset, collected between 2011 and 2014. The average age of participants was 55 years in the MIDUS 2 dataset and approximately 52 years in the MIDUS Refresher. Females made up 55% and 51% of the participants in the two datasets, respectively.

The authors utilized data on participants’ religiosity (collected using the MIDUS Religiosity Questionnaire), depressive symptoms (Center for Epidemiological Studies – Depression Scale), perceived stress (Perceived Stress Scale), life satisfaction (Satisfaction with Life Scale), gratitude (Gratitude Questionnaire), and social support (Support and Strain from Partners, Family, and Friends scale).

They tested a statistical model proposing that religiosity leads to higher feelings of gratitude and greater social support. In turn, the model proposed that these resources would lead to improved psychological well-being. The results confirmed a “full mediation” model across both datasets. This indicates that the relationship between religiosity and well-being was fully explained by the presence of gratitude and social support.

“Religiosity may confer protection against affective distress by fostering key psychological and social coping resources. These findings highlight the potential clinical utility of interventions designed to cultivate gratitude and strengthen social support networks as a strategy to improve well-being and reduce symptoms of affective disorders,” the study authors concluded.

The study contributes to the scientific understanding of the psychological correlates of religiosity. However, it should be noted that the cross-sectional design of this specific analysis does not allow for causal inferences to be derived from the results.

The paper, “An attitude of gratitude: How psychological and social resources mediate the protective effect of religiosity on depressive symptoms,” was authored by Ethan D. Lantz and Danielle K. Nadorff.

A qualitative study in Scotland examined the links between financial instability, employment insecurity, and suicidality. Results indicated that financial stressors create a cycle of unmet basic needs, powerlessness, and social isolation. Job precarity and lack of support further exacerbate these relationships, contributing to suicidal ideation. The research was published in Death Studies.

Suicide is the act of intentionally causing one’s own death. World Health Organization statistics indicate that 700,000 people die by suicide every year worldwide, making it a significant global public health issue. Although major religions have historically condemned suicide, contemporary public health and psychological perspectives view it as a preventable outcome arising from complex interactions rather than a moral failing. Suicide rarely has a single cause; instead, it reflects the intersection of personal, relational, community, and societal factors.

Economic instability, job insecurity, and financial distress are consistently linked to higher suicide risk, with those in insecure employment disproportionately affected. Evidence from the U.K. and Scotland shows particularly high vulnerability among working-age adults, even as poverty increasingly affects households where someone is employed.

Precarious work conditions—such as low income, unpredictable hours, limited rights, and low job autonomy—contribute to chronic stress and poorer mental health. Furthermore, stigma surrounding financial hardship and job insecurity can deter help-seeking, increasing isolation and risk.

Study author Nicola Cogan and her colleagues wanted to explore how insecure employment and financial instability are perceived to contribute toward suicidal thoughts and behaviors among adults living in Scotland. They also sought to identify risk and protective factors associated with the mental health impacts of economic insecurity and offer policy recommendations for improving mental health support for people facing economic precarity.

The study included 24 individuals from Scotland who reported being paid less than the living wage or below the minimum income standard, were on zero-hours contracts, working in the gig economy, were job-seeking long term, or had experience with Universal Credit (the UK’s main welfare benefit system). Sixteen participants were men. The participants’ average age was 30 years. On average, participants reported that their last suicidal thoughts or behaviors occurred more than six months prior. Individuals who were currently suicidal were not included in the study.

Participants took part in semi-structured interviews focusing on the interplay between employment status, financial instability, and experiences of suicidal ideation or behavior. They received a £20 voucher for their participation. The researchers transcribed the interviews and conducted reflexive thematic analysis with the goal of identifying the key themes within the narratives.

Analysis of the interviews identified six key themes. The first theme was the “struggle to meet basic needs and the vicious cycle.” When participants experienced financial instability, it created a struggle to meet basic needs like food, housing, and healthcare. This battle degraded their mental health. Diminished mental health, in turn, reduced their ability to improve their financial situation, creating a vicious cycle.

The second theme was “feeling trapped and powerless.” Participants reported that feelings of entrapment intersected with suicidal thoughts and behaviors, as they struggled to envision any escape from the situation. Theme three was the “stigma of financial instability.” Feeling financially unstable negatively impacted participants’ self-worth and self-esteem, making them feel inadequate and helpless. Theme four was “thinking about suicide and acting on such thoughts.” During these times, many of them imagined suicide to be the only way out of their struggles.

The fifth theme was the “need for hope and support from supportive others.” For many participants, hope and support from friends, family, and other individuals fostered resilience and prevented them from acting on suicidal thoughts.

The sixth theme was “active help-seeking and gaining a sense of control.” For many participants, actively seeking help was a turning point in managing the intersecting challenges of financial instability and mental health distress. This enabled them to regain a sense of control over their circumstances.

“Reflexive thematic analysis identified key themes, highlighting how financial stressors create a cycle of unmet basic needs, powerlessness, and social isolation, which exacerbates suicidal distress. Workplace conditions including job precarity and lack of support, further intensified these experiences, while protective factors included supportive relationships and proactive help-seeking,” the study authors concluded.

The study contributes to the scientific understanding of the mental health effects of financial instability. However, the study deliberately excluded prospective participants currently experiencing suicidality. Because of this, it did not fully capture the perspectives of individuals at the highest risk of suicide. Additionally, the collected data were based on the recall of past hardships, leaving room for recall and reporting biases to have affected the results.

The paper, “’It feels like the world is falling on your head’: Exploring the link between financial instability, employment insecurity, and suicidality,” was authored by Nicola Cogan, Susan Rasmussen, Kirsten Russell, Dan Heap, Heather Archbold, Lucy Milligan, Scott Thomson, Spence Whittaker, Dave Morris, and Danielle Rowley.

A study in Sexual and Relationship Therapy found that men are more open to casual sex and infidelity than women. The research also highlights a strong link between relationship dissatisfaction, the desire for uncommitted sex, and the intention to cheat.

Infidelity has long been defined as a violation of promises and commitments within a romantic relationship, reflecting a failure to uphold expectations of love, loyalty, and support. However, modern views conceptualize infidelity as physical, sexual, or emotional behaviors that violate relationship norms and cause distress and negative relationship outcomes. Exactly which behaviors constitute infidelity varies across couples, as norms regarding emotional and sexual exclusivity differ between relationships.

The most common forms of infidelity are sexual and emotional infidelity. Sexual infidelity usually involves physical sexual behaviors with someone other than one’s partner. Emotional infidelity consists of forming intimate emotional bonds with a person other than the partner that breach relationship rules agreed upon by the couple. Research indicates that sexual and emotional infidelity often co-occur; they are, most often, not independent phenomena.

A key psychological characteristic linked to infidelity is sociosexuality. Sociosexuality is the level of openness to casual sex without commitment. Individuals with higher sociosexuality are more likely to engage in both sexual and emotional infidelity, as their attitudes and desires may conflict with monogamous relationship norms.

Study author Paula Pricope and her colleagues wanted to investigate whether sociosexuality plays a mediating role in the relationship between relationship satisfaction and intentions towards infidelity. They also wanted to know whether these associations are the same in men and women. The authors hypothesized that men would be more inclined to engage in infidelity compared to women and that their sociosexuality would be higher (i.e., they would be more open to casual sex).

Study participants were 246 individuals from Romania. Their average age was 24 years. All participants were volunteers. Sixty-one percent of participants were women. Seventy-two percent were in a non-marital romantic relationship, while 28% were married. Sixty-eight percent of participants were from urban areas of Romania.

Participants completed assessments of intentions towards infidelity (the Intentions Towards Infidelity Scale), relationship satisfaction (the Relationship Assessment Scale), and sociosexuality (the Sociosexual Orientation Inventory – Revised).

Results showed that individuals reporting stronger intentions towards infidelity tended to have higher sociosexuality and be less satisfied with their relationships. In other words, individuals more willing to cheat on their partners tended to be more open to uncommitted sex and less satisfied with their relationships. Men tended to report higher sociosexuality and higher intentions towards infidelity than women.

The authors tested a statistical model proposing that lower relationship satisfaction leads to higher sociosexuality, which, in turn, increases intentions to cheat. The results indicated that this pathway was significant specifically for men. For male participants, lower relationship satisfaction was linked to higher sociosexuality, which then predicted higher intentions to cheat. However, this mediation pathway was not significant for women.

The study contributes to the scientific understanding of infidelity. However, all study data came from self-reports, leaving room for reporting bias to have affected the results. Additionally, the design of the study does not allow for causal inferences.

While it is indeed possible that lower relationship satisfaction leads to increased sociosexuality and infidelity intentions, it is also possible that higher sociosexuality and infidelity intentions reduce relationship satisfaction or make it harder for a person to be satisfied with a committed relationship. Other possibilities also remain open.

The paper, “The roles of sociosexuality and gender in the relationship between relationship satisfaction and intentions toward infidelity: a moderated mediation model,” was authored by Paula Pricope, Tudor-Daniel Huțul, Adina Karner-Huțuleac, and Andreea Huțul.